Showing posts with label economics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label economics. Show all posts

Monday, 18 June 2012

Critique of 'Firing Back' by Ben McLeish


This is an analysis of Ben McLeish’s video here.  Ben is an active member of The Zeitgeist Movement UK.  This is the start of a cross-blog discussion.  Ben's blog is here.


Money and ‘The Monetary System’

Ben begins (at 1:50) by explaining he is going to discuss “unresolvable problems in the monetary-market system, and by-products of money itself”.  These are “systemic issues, not only to capitalism, but to the very entity and organisation of money itself”.  They are “inherent problems that will lead to the collapse of any system in which it appears as a regulating force”.  Ben says that “As a mechanism for cooperation and survival, money has outgrown its usefulness”.

Unfortunately Ben fails to provide a definition of money, or of monetary-market system.  This proves to be a fateful error, because most of the rest of Ben’s talk is one huge fallacy of composition.   He briefly acknowledges the idea of commodity money and commodity-backed money, but does not explain how they work.  For the entire talk, he refers only to the current system, with fiat money, monopolised by a central bank, and with a cartelized banking system engaging in rampant fractional-reserve banking.  Yet he uses his conclusions about this particular money and monetary system to denounce the whole concept of money and ‘monetary systems’.

In order to persuade me that all monetary systems have “systemic, inherent problems”, Ben must first of all provide a definition of money, and then critique the most general form of money.  It may be wise at this point to stop and ask for a definition of money and monetary system, and to see if Ben recognises the fallacy of composition he is making if he continues to argue against all money by attacking fiat money.  But I will continue to comment on his talk, for the sake of discussion.

Fiat Money

Ben explains that (fiat) money gets its value from two things: 1) belief in money’s value (the “mutually shared illusion”) and 2) scarcity of supply. 

First it should be noted that value is subjective, so everything, technically speaking, has value only because people believe it has value.  Second, the plain fact is that fiat money’s value is not an illusion: I really can take my fiat money to the local store and exchange it for goods that satisfy my needs.  People really do value money, and why wouldn’t they, when it is so useful for exchanging for things that will directly satisfy them?  What Ben seems to be referring to is that fiat money is not useful for anything other than exchanging; it cannot be eaten, or used in production of anything, for example.  This is true.  But that’s the very definition of a fiat money!  This point, therefore, clearly does not apply to commodity monies, which are by definition useful for other purposes.  So if this is the sense in which Ben is saying money is an illusion, only fiat money is an illusion, not commodity money.

With regard to his second source of (fiat) money’s value, Ben refers to scarcity.  He fails to provide a definition of scarcity so it is difficult to know what he means by this.

At 5:40 Ben begins to talk about where today’s fiat money comes from.  He starts with the Bank of England and then goes on to give an explanation of fractional-reserve banking.  Possibly for reasons of time, he does not mention the main consequence of fractional-reserve banking: the business cycle of artificial boom, bust, recession and/or depression.  Nor does he mention the redistributive effect of inflation of the money supply: from savers to borrowers; from those on fixed incomes to those on variable incomes; in general from those distant from the point at which the money is created to those closer to the source of the new money: especially the government and the banks.  Nor does he mention that this system is impossible without a central bank monopoly privilege on bank notes and a cartelized banking system.  I recommend this very short video for a clear explanation of fiat money, emphasising the redistributive effects of inflation.  For a full explanation of the methods and effects of money expansion and contraction, and what cartelization of the banking system enables, see chapter 12, section 11 of Man, Economy and State by Murray Rothbard.

Debt and the Money Supply

At 9:00 Ben makes a minor error by saying that there is not enough money in the system to fully pay back the debt, because of the interest which “was never created”.  The error is in assuming that creditors, when the money is paid back to them, will not spend it back into the economy.  Obviously they will, since the creditors want goods and services, not piles of money.  In theory, any amount of physical money can be used to pay back any amount of debt in this way, so even a total debt higher than the total money supply is not “mathematically impossible” to pay off, in the way that Ben implies here.

Interest

At 10:15 Ben makes a further point about interest.  It is not entirely clear whether he is talking merely about interest being charged within this fiat fractional-reserve system, or the general idea of interest.  He mentions with some disdain that a millionaire can earn £50k interest “simply by having money in an account with 5% interest rate”.  He ignores that (in a free market system, at least) the millionaire must have previously produced so much to satisfy the needs of his fellow man that he was able to become rich; that the money is not available to the millionaire during the time it is loaned out; that some risk is involved in lending; and most importantly that debtors voluntarily accept the terms of their loan and therefore expect to benefit from the transaction - the loan is for mutual benefit.  Any third-party using violence to prevent this kind of voluntary exchange would clearly be making both worse off by preventing the gain from trade being realised.

On top of this, Ben overlooks the social / economic function of interest, and the calculational chaos that a price control of zero on the charging of interest (which is the effect of “usury” laws: forbidding the charging of interest) would have on society.  Entrepreneurs – the individuals that make most of the decisions about resource allocation in a free market economy – have ideas about how to change the world for the better, and the incentive to put those ideas into action, but they often need a large amount of savings in order to embark upon their wealth-generating project.  Savers – individuals who saved their income for use later rather than spending it on consumption now – have the funds that the entrepreneur needs.  Interest is what brings them together.  The entrepreneur voluntarily agrees to pay interest because he expects to be better off in the future; the saver agrees to invest their money (rather than hoarding it) because of the expected interest income.  The money becomes inaccessible to the saver for some period of time, while the entrepreneur adds value to the world.  With usury laws, the saver, the borrower, and society as a whole, is worse off than in a free market, because in a free market interest rates serve as a crucial signal and incentive for guiding improvements to economic conditions and more efficient use of resources.  On this point, see my video Economic Coordination and the Business Cycle.

Social Mobility and Inequality

At 11:30 Ben brings up empirical data that appears to show that social mobility has been declining, that life expectancy is inversely related to inequality, and that mental illness is more prevalent where there is higher inequality.  See this blog post for my response to this.  On top of my comments in that post, I would point out that Ben's quoting of facts and statistics about societies today, with today's economic system, and then the using those facts to denounce all monetary systems, would be another example of the fallacy of composition that pervades Ben’s talk.

Downsizing of Banks

At 15:10 Ben moves on to discuss “innovation, pollution, and false positive indicators”.  Ben explains that when Lloyds TSB cut 45,000 jobs, the bank’s share price increased, but does not explain the relevance of this point.  He just got through explaining that our economy is virtually held hostage to big banks.  And yet he presents news that a bank is shrinking in size as a bad thing.  It is unclear why he would apparently prefer that those people still had their unproductive jobs, when they could be doing something more productive.  Does Ben not feel that the banking sector is already too large?  Does he believe that downsizing of the banking system in this country is a bad thing?  The relevance of the Lloyds TSB story is unclear.

GDP and ‘Growth’

He quickly moves on to criticise the idea that wealth is measured by GDP.  Ben correctly points out that many activities (oil spills, wars, epidemics, etc) that clearly decrease wealth actually increase GDP.  This point is the tip-of-the-iceberg of the problems associated with the concept of GDP.  Austrian economists have explained the uselessness and pointlessness of GDP and most other “economic indicators”.  Austrian economists recognise that economic wealth cannot be measured due to the subjective, ordinal nature of value.

At 17:40, Ben seems to make the error of thinking that GDP actually is a good measure of wealth, a position he well refuted a few moments ago.  He denounces “growth”.  Unfortunately he does not define this term explicitly; it generally means an increase in wealth or productivity, but Ben seems to define it as an increase in GDP!  Of course, due to the aforementioned Austrian critique of GDP, Ben is right that “growth” by this definition isn’t always good!  But when growth is given the more useful and common definition (an increase in wealth), then the only people who ought to be opposed to growth are primitivists, who actually desire a society of poverty.

Patents

At 18:45 Ben shifts to the subject of innovation and immediately brings up patents and the large amounts of money spent on patent trolling and patent defense.  Patents are a government-granted monopoly privilege, and therefore any critique of the patent system does not apply to the free market.  At 21:10 he says “This [patent wars] is implicit to the monetary system itself”.  This is obviously false, and a fallacy of composition again.  Patent wars can clearly only happen in societies which have patent laws.  There can exist monetary systems with or without patent laws; and there can exist non-monetary systems with or without patent laws.

Planned Obsolescence

At 21:35, Ben says “Every company in a monetary system is forced, by cost efficiency to… make items that are manufactured poorly”.  He gives the example of mobile phones being “calibrated” to break down within a specific timeframe set by the manufacturer; so-called “planned obsolescence”.  Planned obsolescence is a myth in the sense that ultimately (at least in free markets) manufacturers, and all producers, are beholden to consumers’ desires, so the longevity of any product will be optimal given the values of the people in society.  Longevity of a product has to be weighed against other attributes.  If products break after some “short” period of time (short in the arbitrary opinion of the person speaking) it must be because the costs of making the product last longer outweigh the benefits, from the point of view of consumers.

It would therefore be a decrease of wealth if any third-party were to use violence to prevent manufacturers making decisions about their products based on cost-efficiency, for example by imposing arbitrary legal minimum standards with regard to longevity of different types of products.  In a free market, if a producer engages in so-called “planned obsolescence” (meaning he manufactures goods that don’t last as long as the speaker arbitrarily feels they should) and there is a real detriment to consumers, then that producer will soon be out-competed, ceteris paribus, by a firm which makes their products last longer and satisfies consumers better.

The Ghost of Keynes

At 23:10 Ben says that “One overriding economic point will make our way of life impossible… ‘Technological unemployment’”.  He defines this term, by referring to the discredited economist John Maynard Keynes, as “Unemployment due to our discovery of means of economizing the use of labor, outrunning the pace at which we can find new uses for labor”.  This one sentence sums up one of the major errors of Keynesianism remarkably well: the idea that “we” need to “find new uses for labor”. 

Keynes was a central planner who believed in work-for-work-sake, even so far as recommending to the U.S. government that they pay people to bury money in bottles deep underground, so that people can be employed in the task of digging for them, just to keep them busy.  He said that if no more useful for work can be found for them to do, it would actually be a net economic benefit for the government to spend taxpayers’ money in this absurd way.  One would have thought, when his economic understanding led him to this ridiculous conclusion, Keynes might have re-thought his framework.  But alas, Keynesianism still dominates in Universities today and policy is still made based on Keynesian recommendations.  Sound Austrian economic ideas remain a small minority in academia, but the ideas are spreading very quickly due to the rise of the internet and the beginning of the collapse of the Keynes-inspired economic system in 2008, which many Austrian economists predicted.

Keynes put the cart before the horse.  Humans engage in labor because we want to produce something, which we can then enjoy by consuming, or exchanging for something we can consume.  By definition, we do not enjoy labor for its own sake (for then it would be leisure).  Every individual could choose to live a life of complete leisure, and just sit in a yen-like state contemplating the world.  But we’d quickly get hungry, so we find that we need to engage in labor (combining our skills and energy with elements of nature) in order to satisfy our desire to not feel hungry.  We need to produce food, and other things to satisfy our desires.  That is why we labor.

Automation

Prior to the Agricultural Revolution, this food production consisted of hunting and gathering.  Both hunting and gathering were done with the help of technology: spears, arrows, nets, traps, bowls, vessels and long pointy sticks.  Why did men use these technologies?  Because it enabled them to be more efficient, meaning they could produce more for less.  With a bow-and-arrows, if hunting becomes 4 times as efficient (meaning it takes only a quarter of the time to hunt for the same game with the technology than without) then an individual with a bow-and-arrows can either have 4 times as much food, or he can devote three-quarters of the time he previously spent hunting doing something else - maybe producing something else, or just sitting back and relaxing with more leisure time, or some combination of these options.

The Agricultural Revolution dramatically increased food production, enabling the human population to increase considerably while at the same time each individual had more food.  As food productivity continued to increase, through savings and investment in agricultural technology, as well as technological advancement itself, less labor was needed to produce enough food for everyone, even as the human population continued to grow.  This increased productivity freed up men’s time to devote to other activities besides agriculture.  With the intensification and extensification of the division of labor and knowledge, and increasing trade between individuals and across larger distances, some men did not have to work in agriculture at all; they could specialize in other productive activities and exchange with other people for their food needs. 

At 24:30, Ben relates the wonderful statistic that by 1860, 40% of the human population were in the enviable position of being able to do things besides just labor to produce food – a remarkable achievement given that even just a hundred years earlier, almost everyone still worked in agriculture!  And today, less than 1% of people work in agriculture; over 99% of people do not have to work in agriculture!  99% of the population has been freed up to produce other things!  These facts should be marvelled at, but Ben seems to think the trend is something to be feared, and that perhaps we should look back in fondness to the days when most people spent all day laboring just for food for survival.

At 27:00, Ben gives another wonderful statistic: “iPhones are selling for £25, and they are 1000x more powerful than the MIT supercomputer in the 1970s, and that cost $11 million.”  Incredibly, once again, Ben seems to be highly concerned, rather than celebratory, about this remarkable fact about the increasing standard of living: the ease with which we can create things today. 

‘Technological Unemployment’

At 27:10, Ben says, sounding just like Keynes, that “This is a big trend and it affects everything.  It means that ultimately automation is going to be much cheaper than human labor, even if you think you’re special, even if you think your job isn’t technical.  And even if it was: what are you, 10, 20, 30%?  What if it’s 50%?  How are you going to deal with 50% unemployment?”

In 1945, Keynes and his followers supported the continuation of the war on the basis that if the troops were brought home, and if weapons and tanks and warplanes were not made, there would be mass unemployment.  They predicted an economic depression.  As they saw it, there were simply no jobs for all these people to do, so there would be a disaster.  Contrary to the Keynesian predictions, after the war ended the U.S. economy went into a massive boom, which is exactly as Austrian economics predicts.  The U.S. economy had a relatively free labor market, so it quickly adjusted to the influx of labor, and through the market process of adjustments, jobs became available for everyone that wanted one.  So long as human needs and wants remain unfulfilled, jobs can be done satisfying these desires.

Keynesians still use this old debunked framework and still make predictions of disaster relating to the loss of jobs, or their creation.  Paul Krugman said that the 9/11 attacks “could do some economic good”, because of all the jobs that were stimulated by the rebuilding effort.  Larry Summers said that the 2011 tsunami “may provide a jolt” to the Japanese economy.  These mistakes are an example of the broken window fallacy, and are the logical consequence of Keynes' flawed framework.  See The Parable of the Broken Window.

Take this hypothetical.  Suppose someone invents a machine which overnight makes the role of doctor obsolete.  Some sort of amazing self-diagnosis / auto-treatment machine, which works as well as any doctor and is far more convenient and cheaper too.  All doctors would be put out of work!  That is a lot of people that are now suddenly unemployed!  What will happen to them?  Shall we, like the Keynesians, predict that this mass unemployment will be a disaster unless the government uses taxpayers’ money to pay them to do something (like digging up buried bottles of money)?  Should we fear this amazing new machine for this reason?

The Austrians point out that the economy will simply adjust, if individuals are free to do so.  Those doctors will simply do something else, and what those doctors produce when they are doing that ‘something else’ represents a large part of the real value to society of the diagnosis machine.  Before the machine came along, thousands of people were doing something that can now be automated, so they are freed up to do something more useful, something that people want which can’t (yet) be automated.  This diagnosis machine should be welcomed and recognised as a great advancement – not feared!

This hypothetical is not at all difficult to imagine, because history is filled with examples of it.  The effect of a new technology, which makes many jobs obsolete, is the same as the effect mentioned above of the sudden influx of labor into the U.S. after the war.  It gives rise to an economic boom, by freeing up labor.  In fact, the whole of human history could be described in terms of technological improvements automating certain laborious tasks, and in so doing freeing up human labor to be spent on other productive activities and thereby adding wealth to society.

Pick any technological improvement, say, the printing press.  A lot of scribes were made unemployed when their laborious job of copying old texts by hand could be automated.  Within a short space of time, the whole scribe industry, a major sector of the economy, had vanished.  Was this a bad thing?  Would we be better off if the printing press never existed, so that people could be employed to this day as scribes?  I doubt Ben would try to claim this.

Was there a disaster at the time the printing press was invented?  Not at all; why would there be?  The job of being a scribe disappeared and was replaced by new jobs, as any Austrian would predict.  Many of the former scribes became creators of new texts; others became printing press operators; others went into different fields entirely.  The printing press benefited society not just by making books cheap and widely available, but also by freeing up the time of a large number of scribes to produce other things.  Just as we benefit by having less people in agriculture today than at any time in our past, we benefit by not having people spending their time copying books by hand today.  The exact same story can be told for every kind of new technology. 

The objection will no doubt be the canard that something is different this time.  Ben will have to explain why this time is different if he is going to go down this road.  He will have to point to some qualitative change that has taken place in recent history which makes this time different to all the other times throughout history when technology has taken over tasks previously performed by labor.

The Ghost of Marx

At 27:30, at the end of this first part of his talk, Ben makes a howler that comes straight from the writings of Karl Marx, when he says: “technology follows its own scientifically self-evident trend, irrespective of the system surrounding it.”  I cannot believe Ben really believes this to be true.  Does he really think that whether a man is free or a slave makes no difference to whether he decides to develop a new technology?  That the impersonal “material forces of production” (Marx’s term) carry on independent of human actions and choices, constantly propelling our species forward?  That there is no such thing as “incentives”?  As this was a mere passing remark, perhaps he did not mean to say what he did.

Problems of ‘The Monetary System’

At 27:50, Ben summarises the “problems” that he attributes to ‘The Monetary System’ (which he has still not defined): “Our core resources are expiring; our economy needs to economize (a complete reversal of what it does now); money (both [sic] in its present form of fiat-based debt and unpayable interest) not only divides and impoverishes people but negatively impacts innovation, takes the place of what is really important… and will fail by design”. 

He did not previously mention resource depletion, so it is difficult to know what evidence he has for his claim that “our core resources are expiring”, or what the relevance of it is.  Of course, fear-mongers have always said that resources are running out, usually as a way of increasing the price, or getting people to support State intervention to try and preserve resources.  For example, in 1882 it was estimated that 95 million barrels of oil remain (so will run out within 4 years!).  In 1920 it was estimated that 6.7 billion barrels of oil remain; in 1932, it was estimated that 10 billion barrels of oil remain; in 1944 it was estimated that 20 billion barrels of oil remain; in 1950 it was estimated that 100 billion barrels of oil remain; in 1980 it was estimated that 648 billion barrels of oil remain; in 1993 it was estimated that 999 billion barrels of oil remain; in 2000 it was estimated that 1016 billion barrels of oil remain.  At some point, given these historical predictions (listed here), you would think that people who predict that oil is about to run out would re-think their methodology.  But alas, we continue to be told that we are on the brink of disaster and something must be done (using violence, no doubt).

Ben does not acknowledge the free market mechanism for adjusting to dwindling supplies: namely an increase in price, stimulating preservation, more efficient use of supply, more exploration, and a search for substitutes.  Ben unfortunately falls for propaganda that resources are running out and only State intervention – global management of resources – can prevent disaster.

Ben has still not defined money, but if we assume he is using the standard definition – a general medium of exchange – then his statement that “money divides and impoverishes people” is obviously false.  People use a general medium of exchange because they expect to benefit from it, so it helps them achieve their goals and brings them out of poverty.  Money does literally the opposite of divide people; it brings them together, enabling exchanges that could not take place directly due to the limitations of barter; it enables a greater degree of social cooperation and coordination than is possible without a general medium of exchange.

Ben’s Plan

“So what do we do?” he says.  “We need to manage our global household”.  It is not clear at this point who “we” refers to, but he later implies that he means some group of enlightened technicians need to manage the world’s resources.  It is not clear whether Ben considers himself to be among this enlightened group.  As the first Zeitgeist film shows, the global elites have been pushing this view for a long time: that the planet needs to be managed by scientific dictators running a global government.  Ben even repeats the slogan of the New World Order at 28:48: “We need to consider global solutions to global problems”.  This slogan may be familiar from global elitists like George Bush (talking about terrorism), Al Gore (talking about environmentalism) and Gordon Brown (talking about economic regulation).  It is ironic that Ben’s proposal and rhetoric resembles so closely the proposal and rhetoric of the very people that are identified as ‘the enemy’ in the final third of the first Zeitgeist movie.

Ownership

At 29:59, Ben explains that “We need to move from a general method of consumption known as ownership to one of availability provided when needed”.  Ben unfortunately does not define either consumption or ownership.  Frankly, I cannot fathom what he means by ownership being “a general method of consumption”.  What is a ‘method’ of consumption?  As we have seen, humans need to consume food, at least, and this requires food to be produced.  Ownership usually refers to an association or link between an individual or group of individuals and a particular scarce resource.  The individual, the ‘owner’, is the individual with ultimate decision-making jurisdiction over the scarce resource, the ‘property’.  Without some principles of ownership, conflicts over scarce resources are unavoidable.  I will give Ben the benefit of the doubt and assume he means not “We need to move away from ownership” but “We need to move away from X principles for determining ownership and towards Y principles for determining ownership”.  For more on this point see this post, which Ben responded to by saying “Good post.  I agree.”

Communism?

At 30:08, Ben asks rhetorically “Who here owns a shopping trolley?” and tells anyone who answers no that they are Communists!  Is Ben implying that he thinks rental agreements are somehow Communist in nature?!  He has misunderstood libertarianism if he thinks that the relationship between a renter of a shopping trolley and the lender of a shopping trolley is somehow ‘unlibertarian’.  It is a voluntary exchange, so is completely compatible with libertarianism.

He says rental agreements are “systems which have in them the seeds of a social design.”  This gives us a glimpse of the kind of world Ben is imagining: one in which all the world’s resources are owned by some enlightened central planners, who then rent out these resources to people “as they are needed”.  Society is to be “designed” by this group of social engineers.  Ben’s ideal system is literally communism, re-packaged and thinly veiled.  Centralised ownership of resources is the definition of communism, and here Ben all but says that he wants to live in a designed communist society, where everything is owned and controlled centrally and rented out “if available” “as needed”.

Road Management

Ben goes on to discuss cars and roads.  He is trying to imply that a system of car rentals similar to the current system of trolley rentals would be a superior form of social organisation.  What he seems to miss is that people are free right now to either buy or rent cars, and to either buy or rent shopping trolleys.  That most people choose to rent shopping trolleys but buy cars shows us that people prefer owning cars and renting trolleys.  Therefore if a third-party were to use violence to prevent the purchasing of cars (or prevent renting of shopping trolleys) clearly car users (trolley users) would be made worse off.  They would be prevented from making a trade they really want to make, and forced to make a trade they consider less satisfactory.

Ben criticises the management of the roads in society today, and he has good reason to do so.  Roads are currently managed by a monopoly; we can expect a free market in roads to deliver a far superior service.  State monopoly ownership of roads is the cause of the problems of road pollution, congestion and regular crashes.  A road owner operating in a free market would have the information (price signals) and incentives to find the right balance between reducing pollution, improving safety, preventing traffic jams and the price of the service.  This is the same fallacy of composition once again, where Ben assumes that the problems of road management are due to ‘the monetary system’, when they are actually a symptom of a particular type of ownership – namely monopolistic ownership of roads by State central planners.

Adoption of New Technology

Ben claims to have devised, or at least recognised, a ‘superior’ system of road management: based on rentals of cars that apparently drive themselves.  The question that Ben fails to ask is what would be the cost of implementing such a system?  If the costs exceed the benefits, then by definition it is a waste of resources (the value of the inputs exceed the value of the output).  If the benefits exceed the costs then it is good use of resources (since it would be value adding).  Why hasn’t it been done yet?  Presumably it has so far not been considered profitable for someone to do.  So either 1) its not profitable and would be a waste of resources, or 2) its not profitable but actually is a good use of resources, in which case it must be that the present system (monopolized management of roads) is distorting price signals in such a way that it prevents the scheme from being profitable.  If the latter, Ben should join the libertarian call for freeing the road management industry from the grip of State monopoly.  If the former, I hope Ben would agree that it should not be done at all (yet).

The general economic fallacy that Ben is making here is a failure to recognize the costs involved in upgrading technology.  Take a hypothetical.  Someone invents a new type of X-ray machine, which produces an image just slightly sharper than images from current X-rays (this example is inspired by the movie The Pursuit of Happiness).  This new machine costs twice as much to produce as the old X-ray machines.  You are a central planner: should you dictate the immediate replacement of the old machines by the new throughout your domain?  Is it worth it?  Think of all those old X-ray machines that will be made obsolete by the new ones – they will go to waste.  As always, the central planner is utterly clueless about whether replacing the old machines is a wise or wasteful use of resources.  He has no price signals to guide him.

On a free market, on the other hand, whether a new technology is adopted, and how quickly, is ultimately determined by the consumer, and the price signals that emerge from a system of voluntary trades.  If the consumer is willing to pay twice the price for a slightly better X-ray image, then owners of X-ray machines will upgrade them; if the consumers are not willing to pay this much, the owners of X-ray machines won’t upgrade them (yet).  This ensures that resources are neither 1) wasted through continual replacement every time there is a small upgrade, nor 2) wasted through not being replaced when valuable upgrades are available.  As always, the free market finds the optimal balance between these two considerations.  Unfortunately Ben seems to think his supposedly ‘enlightened’ opinion is more important than the opinions of individuals in society as a whole; he wants to speed up the pace of technological change and upgrade technologies to the maximum, apparently without any consideration of the costs involved. 

Automation (Again)

At 32:40, Ben says “We need to make an effort to embrace automation”.  This is an odd statement to make considering the evidence he previously prevented showing that automation is already happening very quickly, and has been happening since time immemorial.  He was worried about so-called “technological unemployment” and even spoke of a coming “singularity” concerning the pace of technological development.  Ben appears to be worried about these trends, but wants to accelerate them nonetheless, apparently.

He goes on to say that “It is socially irresponsible not to employ the best, most safe, clean and efficient forms of production.”  Unfortunately he does not define the term ‘socially irresponsible’.  If he means that it is a waste of resources to employ anything but “the best, most safe, clean and efficient forms of production,” then that is clearly false.  As explained above, it is not always the best use of resources to embrace every small technological improvement and continually upgrade machinery and methods.  It is often better for producers to stick to old machines for a while before upgrading, and then possibly upgrade later when it is most efficient overall for them to do so.

Jobs

Ben continues “The jobs aren’t coming back – stop chanting in the streets – and nor would we want them to.”  I applaud this statement for abandoning the Keynesian view presented earlier that jobs-for-jobs-sake is a good thing.  But it is still misleading.  If the current system does not change (for example, if the minimum wage is not abolished soon) then people will indeed remain unemployed and requiring handouts.  On the other hand if free markets were to emerge, then people would be able to find jobs.  Although it would be nice for everyone to be able to live without a job at all, as we have seen, we need to eat, at least, and this requires production, and production always involves some element of human labor – even if it is limited to the design, construction, maintenance or oversight of machines, as many jobs already are.

Thankfully, due to the relative freedom of the past two or three centuries (relative to what went before it), food and other basic goods are so incredibly cheap today (despite rampant State interventionism returning in the 20th century) that it is possible for most people to live a life mostly of leisure.  A lot of people spend their entire evenings and weekends at leisure: a fact which should be celebrated, after millennia of everyone have to spend all day 7-days-a-week toiling producing food.  And with increasing wealth in the future (provided freedom can emerge from the coming breakdown of the State interventionist system), we can expect men to be able to labor less and less going forward and still maintain a good standard of living.  Of course, many individuals do and probably always will choose to labor long hours, so that they can have an even higher standard of living.

The fact of scarcity – and the need to eat – dictates that everyone must spend some time producing something, either for him to consume directly, or to exchange with others for things he wants to consume.  Anyone who does not produce something of value can necessarily only survive on handouts from others, by the nature of things.  The idea that people can live entirely without laboring is utopian in that it assumes away the problem of scarcity, which is what makes conflict possible, ownership principles necessary, and the idea of “economizing” resources meaningful, in the first place.  The promise of a world without scarcity – where no one needs to work – is centuries old, having been promised by many central planners and wannabe central planners throughout the centuries.  Such a world can never be achieved, due to the scarce nature of material things.

Decision-Making

At 33:10 he moves on to ask “how do we make decisions?”  I am glad he acknowledges the importance of this question, since it is the fundamental question of political philosophy.  At one extreme “we” could have a highly centralised system of ownership, where a small group of central planners control all of the planet’s resources – known as communism or totalitarianism.  At the other extreme “we” could have a highly decentralised system of ownership, where each individual is free to make decisions about resources and the structure of ownership is determined voluntarily – known as libertarianism or voluntarism.  What does Ben favor?

“So far we seem to vote for things, and we believe that that is a decision, somehow.  This needs to change as well… We need to begin arriving at decisions, rather than making them… We vote in personalities who are not qualified for any scientific understanding of social operation.” 

As a libertarian, I won’t be defending democratic decision-making within a monopoly system, but I note that Ben assumes without argument that the people being voted in ideally ought to have a scientific understanding of social operation.  It’s unclear what he means by this.  He gives the example of Ron Paul (who is arguably is most learned man in politics in terms of the depth and breadth of understanding of philosophy, economics and history) as a man is who does not meet his requirement for scientific understanding of social operation.  Ben points out that before Paul entered politics he delivered babies as his specialization.  Ben does not name any individuals who do meet his requirements, or even specify what his requirements are.  A specialization like Ron Paul’s, plus great knowledge of philosophy, economics and history, is apparently not enough to qualify.

Is Ben looking for a superman – or group of supermen – to run the world?  An enlightened bunch who can solve not only the economic calculation problem faced by monopolies (see Mises), but also the tacit knowledge problem faced by monopolies (see Hayek)?  Ben seems to be unaware of the importance of the division of knowledge (which is just as important as the division of labor); it is impossible for any one individual or small group of individuals to know all the relevant information they need to know in order to make wise decisions about how resources are used.  This is precisely why decentralised ownership has better consequences than centralised ownership, and makes better use of resources, no matter how ‘enlightened’ or ‘scientific’ the central planners consider themselves to be.

When Ben asks how “we” make decisions in a ‘resource-based economy’, it seems as though he does not mean all of us individually.  He is referring to a subset of enlightened technicians, of which Ben himself may or may not be a part, who will make the decisions on behalf of everyone, based on 'scientific understanding'.  I invite Ben to take a step back and ask not how some undefined group (“we”) make decisions, but who ought to be making decisions about what, i.e. step back and consider what type of ownership works best, before making statements about how owners should make decisions (i.e. ‘scientifically’).

It is particularly ironic that Ben would single out Ron Paul, because he is just about the only politician who consistently tells us that he does not want to run our lives, does not know how to run our lives, and does not have the authority or moral right to run our lives, as President.  Paul actually agrees with Ben that he lacks the knowledge necessary to ‘run the economy’ and to centrally plan resource-usage.  That is his main point: no one has the necessary knowledge.  Mises and Hayek explained why this must always be the case.  As Lew Rockwell said: “I'm cheering on Ron Paul because he is exposing the nature of the whole system. He is not running for president. He is running against the presidency as it is currently understood.”

Designed Cities

At 34:45 Ben talks about new cities designed ‘scientifically’, along the lines of The Venus Project, and renewable energy.  Just like with his cars that drive themselves, Ben ignores the cost side of the equation.  He sees only the benefits from achieving the goal, not the costs involved to get there (this is the error Bastiat described in his essay What is Seen and What is Not Seen).  If it really is a good use of resources to build new cities from scratch, or produce energy from renewable sources – and it may well be – then it would be profitable to do so, so it would be done, unless such projects are prevented due to State intervention.  So once again, it is not ‘the monetary system’ that is preventing such visions being made into reality.  It is either the State, or these visions just don’t (yet) represent a good use of resources, as determined by society as a whole demonstrating their preferences through making voluntary trades.

Conclusion

Ben’s video is described as “The case against money, and the case for a resource-based economic system.”  Unfortunately, Ben does not define money, and spends most the time criticising a particular form of ‘monetary system,’ a term he also leaves undefined.  Ben criticises the current system of fiat money, fractional reserve banking and rampant State interventionism and monopolisation, and assumes that his conclusions also hold true of all other ‘monetary systems,’ even free markets, where there is no fiat money, no fractional reserve banking, no State interventionism and no State monopolisation!

Ben’s goal is to move towards a situation of increased central planning by an enlightened group of men with ‘scientific understanding of social operations’.  The goals and methods of the Zeitgeist Project are remarkably similar to the goals and methods of the global elites identified in the first Zeitgeist film: global governance of resources, scientifically managed by an ‘enlightened’ group on behalf of everyone else, with the promise of abundance for all.

To echo what Ben said at the end of his talk (40:12) about the ideas in the Zeitgeist films, I consider myself lucky to have been exposed to Austrian economic ideas and libertarian principles, and I humbly offer these ideas to Ben in the hope that he and others will explore them further – a good start would be Henry Hazlitt’s Economics in One Lesson and Murray Rothbard’s For a New Liberty.  Central planning does not and cannot work, and should be rejected and consigned once-and-for-all to the scrap heap of history.

I invite Ben to respond to my critique and hope that my comments move the great global conversation forward.

Tuesday, 7 February 2012

10 Propositions Austrian Economists Believe (by Peter Boettke)

My reading of Peter Boettke's Austrian Economics article at The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics.



10 Propositions Austrian Economists Believe:

Proposition 1: Only individuals choose.
Proposition 2: The study of the market order is fundamentally about exchange behavior and the institutions within which exchanges take place.
Proposition 3: The "facts" of the social sciences are what people believe and think.
Proposition 4: Utility and costs are subjective.
Proposition 5: The price system economizes on the information that people need to process in making their decisions.
Proposition 6: Private property in the means of production is a necessary condition for rational economic calculation.
Proposition 7: The competitive market is a process of entrepreneurial discovery.
Proposition 8: Money is nonneutral.
Proposition 9: The capital structure consists of heterogeneous goods that have multispecific uses that must be aligned.
Proposition 10: Social institutions often are the result of human action, but not of human design

Saturday, 17 September 2011

In Defense of Market Pricing and Ticket Scalping

Tickets to popular cultural or sporting events, such as the London 2012 Olympics, can be distributed in a number of different ways. In this blog I consider some of the different methods and what consequences we might expect to result from these methods.

Supply and Scarcity

For any given cultural or sporting event, the supply of tickets is limited. That is, the tickets are a scarce good. If there are 50,000 seats in the venue, a maximum of 50,000 people can attend the event.

The question is: which 50,000 people in particular get to attend?

If fewer than 50,000 people desire to attend the event, then there is no problem with distribution of tickets. Every individual who wants one can have a ticket. A distribution problem only arises when there are more people who desire a ticket than there are tickets to be distributed. Let us suppose that 80,000 people desire to attend the event. Now a scarcity of tickets means that they cannot all be satisfied.

Random Distribution

One way to distribute tickets would be a random lottery. 80,000 names are entered into a hat, and 50,000 are chosen. The other 30,000 people are out of luck. (For now, assume the tickets are named so that they cannot be traded after they have been distributed).

There is a sense in which this the most fair way to distribute tickets. No one has any greater chance of attending the event than anyone else. And yet, among the 80,000 people, common sense tells us that not everyone desires a ticket with the same intensity. For a cycling event, say, there will be some avid fans, who attend cycling events regularly, know and support the cyclists and the sport with passion, and who get great pleasure from watching cycling events. There will also be some individuals who don’t care much for cycling, but want to go as a novelty, and for a nice day out. It seems unfair that the passionate fan might not be able to go because he was one of the unlucky 30,000, while some individuals who are far less bothered get to go instead.

Desire Cannot be Directly Measured

To make the allocation more efficient, then, what is needed is some way to assess how much the individuals desire the tickets. The best system will be one that allocates the 50,000 tickets to the 50,000 people who most desire them.

How then to do this? One way might be to get the ticket applicants to rate from 1 to 10 how much they desire a ticket. Put 10 if you are a big fan. Put 1 if you’re not that bothered. Clearly this isn’t going to work. Who would put 1? Anyone who does that is obviously not going to get a ticket, so why would they even bother applying? By the same principle, no one would give themselves less than a 10. It won’t do to just ask people how much they desire a ticket. What is needed is some way for people to demonstrate how much they desire a ticket.

Time-Commitment as a Measure of Desire

One way to do this would be to distribute tickets on a first-come-first-served basis. Whoever makes the application first gets the ticket. The idea is that the passionate fans will be the ones first in line at the box office. But is this necessarily the case? What of the family-man who cannot take the time to stand in line? What about the person has prior commitments on the day tickets go on sale? What about people who live far away from the box-office? These people are all discriminated against and disadvantaged by this system, at the expense of those with time to spare (like the unemployed) and those who live closest to the box office. It is still quite arbitrary to distribute tickets to those willing to give up the most time for them.[1] Why discriminate based on time? Why must this be the resource that must be given up to demonstrate a high desire?

Resource-Commitment as a Measure of Desire

A less arbitrary method of discrimination would be to allocate tickets to those willing to give up the most resources in general for them; in other words, to allocate tickets to individuals who most demand them.

To distinguish ticket applicants based on their relative demand, a price is set. In a monetary economy, the price is stated in money terms. As the price increases, the number of individuals willing to pay to attain the tickets decreases. There always exists some price at which demand equals supply; this is the equilibrium price.

For example, setting a price of £10 per ticket for the cycling event reduces the number of applicants from 80,000 to 60,000. That is, 20,000 people, although they desire the ticket if they were given it for free, are not willing to give up £10 in order to attain the ticket. Suppose the equilibrium price is £15. That is, exactly 50,000 people are willing to give up £15 to attain a ticket. By setting the price at the equilibrium price, the tickets go precisely to those individuals that demand them the most.

Demand and desire are not the same thing. Individuals with the highest demand are not necessarily those with the most desire. Demand is a function of both desire and wealth. The wealthy man who has all his basic needs satisfied can afford to be frivolous with his money, while a poorer person with a greater desire may be less willing to give up the same amount of money. But given that desire cannot be measured directly (a questionnaire won’t work), this is the least arbitrary way of discriminating ticket applicants.

Side-Benefits to Discriminating Based on Demand

There are also side-benefits to discriminating based on demand.

First, the money generated by ticket-sales generates revenue for the producer (the event organizer and distributor of the tickets). Without this income, the producer would have to fund the event out of his own pocket or through other means such as advertising.[2] This would mean that there would be far fewer events to attend, since it would not be profitable for producers to hold them. As a result of this, there will be far fewer professional performers.

The ticket price which generates the highest revenue for the producer is, in almost all cases, precisely the equilibrium price. For example, at the equilibrium price of $15 per ticket, the producer will generate 15 x 50,000 = $750,000. If he sets his price too low at $10 per ticket, he will only generate 10 x 50,000 = $500,000. If he sets his price too high at $20 per ticket, he will not be able to sell them all. He might only sell 30,000 of them, giving him a revenue of 20 x 30,000 = $600,000.

So there is a harmony of interests between producers and consumers. Purely out of self-interest, a producer will seek to set the price of his tickets at the equilibrium price – the price that will result in the tickets being acquired by the people who demand them the most.

Second, when good things come to those who demand things the most, there is a strong incentive to increase one’s wealth, since one’s wealth is a component of one’s demand. This incentivizes everyone to become wealthier, and this means producing goods and services that are in demand.

Once again, we see the harmony of interests: individuals acting in their own self-interest benefit all other individuals by being productive. Being wealthy (being able to satisfy more of one’s desires), is the reward for effectively satisfying the desires of others.[3]

Neither of these two side-benefits of demand-based distribution are present under any alternative method of distribution. In fact, for a time-based distribution, the incentives are reversed. Instead of rewarding productivity, a time-based distribution rewards time spent merely waiting, queuing, doing nothing, when that time could be spent productively. If goods are going to be distributed based on time, rather than demand, gone is the incentive to enrich oneself, and, by so doing, enriching others.

The Task of the Entrepreneur

A key task for an entrepreneur is to set prices such that profit will be maximized. The equilibrium price is the revenue-maximizing price, and the skill of the entrepreneur is in estimating what this price is. Competition ensures that the most skilful entrepreneurs are rewarded and remain in business, while entrepreneurs who perform badly are weeded out through bankruptcy.

But entrepreneurs are only human, and they often err, by mistakenly setting prices either too low or too high. In either case, his total revenue will be lower because of this. And as another consequence of his error, tickets no longer get into the hands of precisely those who demand them the most. Some other factor – time, favoritism, or maybe just luck – will end up determining who gets a ticket.

If an event-organizer sets the price of tickets too high, he will notice that they are not selling. He may decide to lower the price nearer the event, to make sure all tickets are sold. This makes up for his mistake somewhat, but total revenue is still lower, and the ticket allocation less efficient, than it would have been had he correctly estimated the equilibrium price.

If an event-organizer sets the price of tickets too low, he will sell out quickly. He could have maximized his revenue by charging a higher price. Tickets also end up in the hands of people who demand them less, and people who demand them more are left unsatisfied. Since he no longer has any tickets left, the event-organizer is powerless to correct this mistake.[4] But in terms of ticket distribution, the mistake can be corrected: by making the tickets tradable.

Tradable Tickets

When tickets are named, there is no possibility of trading them independently of the event organizer, so there is no way that an entrepreneurial error of setting a price too low can be corrected. The tickets remain inefficiently distributed.

But when tickets are anonymous, the market is able to correct the deficiency in resource allocation that results from the initial entrepreneurial error. Allowing tickets to be traded after they have been initially distributed ensures that tickets still end up in the hands of those who demand them the most.

For example, suppose the cycling event is sold at $10 per ticket. Some of the ticket-holders will be people who were willing to give up $10 to go, but not much more. Given the choice of $10 or the ticket, these people will take the ticket. But given the choice of $15 and the ticket, these people will take the $15. Conversely, there will be people without tickets who are willing to give up $20 for them.

The obvious solution is for these people to trade. Those without a ticket who demand a ticket more buy ticket from those who demand them less. A market for secondhand tickets might develop. The market price will be equilibrium price: the price that would have maximized revenue for the producer and ensured an efficient allocation of tickets to begin with. The revenue lost by the event-organizer goes to those ticket-holders that decide to sell their ticket on. In this example, each of these people on average would have received $5 revenue.

Ticket Scalping

The opportunity to make money by buying tickets with the intent to sell them is known as “ticket scalping” (or “ticket touting”) and this practice has unjustly acquired a bad reputation. In fact, ticket scalping has the effect of improving the distribution of tickets. The ticket scalper provides tickets to people who greatly demand them, and are willing to pay more than the initial ticket price, but did not acquire a ticket directly from the event-organizer because they were discriminated against in the initial distribution of tickets. Like all profit-making entrepreneurs, the ticket scalper is a public benefactor.

There is usually a lengthy time between tickets going on sale and the event itself. Because of ticket scalpers eager for a bargain, if the event-organizer sets his price too low, they will tend to sell out very quickly, primarily to these ticket scalpers. This should be welcomed, because it makes it easier for the people who most demand tickets to acquire them. There is a heavy element of speculation in what the ticket scalper does. He is taking a chance that the price of the ticket will increase as the event draws near. Like all speculators, ticket scalpers have the effect of reducing price fluctuations out over time. The expert ticket-scalper will sell at a price so that he sells his last ticket at the last moment before the event. This way he will maximize his revenue, and tickets will be available for consumers right up until the last moment. Successful ticket scalping benefits consumers by ensuring the tickets are allocated efficiently to those who most demand them.

Like all entrepreneurs, ticket scalpers may err, but those who do will be weeded out. A ticket scalper who has set his price too high will be seen at the gates of the event, selling his remaining tickets for less than the initial box-office price. At this point, he is cutting his losses, and should consider giving up the ticket scalping business.

Olympic Tickets

The London 2012 Olympic tickets were sold to the public through a combination of demand-based distribution and a random lottery. Tickets were offered at well below their equilibrium price. The applicants’ names were placed into hat, and names were drawn until all the tickets were gone. The tickets contain the name of the applicant, and trading of them is expressly forbidden.

The predictable result is that the tickets have been distributed in a highly inefficient way. There are people that haphazardly applied for a dozen events, just hoping to have a nice day out, and to be able to say they went to the Olympics, whose names were drawn from the hat. They gladly paid £20 for their ticket. Meanwhile you have the most passionate, loyal, excited fans of obscure sports who are left hugely disappointed. They might have paid £100 for what would be, to them, a once-in-a-lifetime experience. Many welfare recipients received tickets; their handout from the government loot easily covering the low price. Productive high-earners who could have paid more missed out. It is a slap in the face for people earning a living by successfully satisfying consumer desires. If all goods were distributed this way, there would be no incentive to be productive at all.

Why were the tickets distributed in this way? The answer usually given involves some notion of “fairness”. Why should “the rich” get tickets and “the poor” get no tickets? Isn’t this supposed to be a “special event”, one that everybody should have “a chance” to go to?

It is telling that the tickets were not distributed for free. Surely if it is unfair on poor people to have to pay a high price, it is unfair on the very poorest people to have to pay any price at all. Making it free would exclude no-one from having a chance to go, right? Why weren’t tickets distributed for free? It seems the sanity of using at least partial demand-based distribution prevailed.

Conclusion

While it is common for people to moan about the details of how the Olympic tickets were distributed, and many are rightfully bitter about not personally acquiring tickets, the view that they should have simply been sold at the equilibrium price, or, at the very least, that trading of tickets should be allowed, is apparently an unpopular one. As I have explained in this blog, any form of distribution besides demand-based distribution, market pricing, is unfair, arbitrary, inefficient and economically destructive.



Footnotes

[1] Online selling of tickets may help alleviate some of these problems, but then the whole point is lost, because simply placing an order as soon as tickets go on sale does not demonstrate a strong desire for the ticket in the same way that being first in line at a box office does. Also, it biases those with internet access, and technical capability.


[2] Theft could also be a source of income for the producer, in the form of taxation granted to him as a subsidy. A discussion of the (harmful) effects of subsidies would take us too far from our subject.


[3] Stealing is another way to become wealthy, of course. In fact, due to rampant corporatism, there is today a huge disconnect between one’s wealth and how effectively one has satisfied the desires of others. The super-rich are without exception only super-rich because they have secured government privileges. They have been able to become wealthy through violence, rather than through satisfying the desires of others.


[4] It should be noted that event-organizers do not always intend to sell at the equilibrium price. They may forsake the maximum revenue for wider business reasons, such as customer good will. For example, cinemas could easily charge a much higher price for opening nights of major movies (as evidenced by the tickets selling out very quickly), and could charge a lower price towards the end of the run (as evidenced by lots of empty seats). Why don’t they? It must be because, overall, they believe this policy would lose them revenue. Thankfully, ticket scalpers often save the day here, by selling coveted opening night tickets to those willing to pay a premium for them.

Saturday, 27 August 2011

MSNBC to Ron Paul: How Could It Be That You Knew This Would Happen?

Here is what Ron Paul said in 2003:

"The special privileges granted to Fannie and Freddie have distorted the housing market by allowing them to attract capital they could not attract under pure market conditions... like all artificially-created bubbles, the boom in housing prices cannot last forever. When housing prices fall, homeowners will find it difficult as their equity is wiped out. Furthermore, the holders of the mortgage debt will also have a loss. These losses will be greater than they would have otherwise been had government policy not actively encouraged over-investment in housing."

- Ron Paul to House Financial Services Committee, 10th September 2003.

Ron Paul explains in the video below how he was able to make this prediction. Austrian economics.

Monday, 25 July 2011

The Privatization of Roads and Highways (video)

The Privatization of Roads and Highways

Walter Block spends half an hour making the case for privatizing roads and highways, then answers questions about it. The subsequent debate and discussion goes off at tangents, with Block giving an excellent, pithy description of a private law society to an audience utterly unfamiliar with the idea.

Saturday, 7 May 2011

Sixth Rejoinder to Eerlijke Handel on Fair Trade or Free Trade

In response to Eerlijke's post here.


The legal system is messed up because it's a monopoly, as opposed to competitive system. See The Possibility of Private Law for the kind of legal system I advocate.

Competition bids up wages and increases the bargaining power of workers like nothing else can.

I hope the companies I buy from are invested in the poorest regions, and I hope that if they are making extra-high profits because they are paying low wages, or if they cut wages or jobs to make extra-high profits, other companies will soon invest in the region and compete with them for workers. Then they will have to raise wages if they want to keep their employees.

This is what will raise poor people out of poverty: competition, and therefore choices. Unfortunately in many cases government restrictions and a poor law/protection system prevent or discourage capital investment and so limit competition and poverty-alleviation.

While it pales in comparison to the damage done by government restrictions on trade, buying Fairtrade products has a similar effect of lowering the amount of competition in the poorest areas, relative to what it would be if consumers did not value the Fairtrade label.

Friday, 6 May 2011

Fight of the Century: Keynes vs. Hayek Round Two (video)

The sensational follow-up to Fear the Boom and Bust, the first ever economics debate in the form of a rap battle, which has over 2 million views on youtube alone.

Round One was about what causes booms and busts and what we should do about it. This one is about whether government spending helps or hampers the economy.

The question is... could round two be even better than round one?

Fight of the Century: Keynes vs. Hayek Round Two

Capitalism in One Lesson (video)

Nielsio's latest original video is one of the clearest short explanations I have seen of what capitalism is and how State intervention hampers the wealth-generating free market process. It also provides a wealth of useful links to video lectures that explain the points being made in more depth.

Capitalism in One Lesson

Trade is Made of Win (video)

Great new set of short videos presented by Prof. Art Carden.

Trade is Made of Win - Part 1: Wealth Creation



Trade is Made of Win - Part 2: Cooperation



Trade is Made of Win - Part 3: Conservation

Fifth Rejoinder to Eerlijke Handel on Fair Trade or Free Trade

This is my response to Eerlijke Handel's latest post in our discussion.

We seemed to be making progress in terms of agreeing on definitions Eerlijke, but your latest post seems to be several steps backwards. What is this new thing you’re talking about: “economic power”? How can it be misused (except by allying with political power)? What is “exploitation”? How can a voluntary trade possibly be exploitative? What is slavery? How can a voluntary relationship be called slavery?

I defined slavery very clearly in my post, and subsequently elaborated it in responses to you. Do you have difficulty distinguishing between coercive and voluntary? Do you think consentual sex and rape are the same thing? Do you think boxers commit the crime of assault against each other when they fight? Do you think you inviting me to your home is the same as me breaking into it?

Clearly, the most important ethical distinction between two types of trade is whether or not both parties consent to it (i.e. whether or not it’s a voluntary trade). There is no such thing as slavery or exploitation except where there is coercion, i.e. one party threatening another with violence or using violence to make him comply. Impoverished people working voluntarily are not being “exploited” by their employers, no matter how little they are paid; they are choosing to work because it’s the best option available to them right now; otherwise they would discontinue the relationship.

Regarding your criticisms of my method (especially the use of ceteris paribus, and how economic analysis relates to “the real world”), I encourage you to investigate the Austrian School of Economics. The Mises Institute has a wealth of resources on all sorts of topics, including the epistemology of economics. A discussion about epistemology (which would be necessary for me to convince you that my economic method is valid) is perhaps too far from our core topic here.

Regarding the success of Fairtrade, this is not a “flaw” in the market at all. Lots of people demand Fairtrade and the market delivers it; it is a market success. What do you think this proves? How is it relevant to my critique at all? It sounds like a circular argument: you are saying that lots of people demand Fairtrade therefore more people should demand Fairtrade. What I am saying is that no-one who has the end of helping the poorest people of the world should demand Fairtrade, because there are more effective means of achieving that end.

Monday, 2 May 2011

Fourth Rejoinder to Eerlijke Handel on Fair Trade or Free Trade

This is my response to Eerlijke Handel's latest post in our debate about Fair Trade.

I have asked questions, that you have not answered.
1. Did you supply proof that Fairtrade competes with other charities? Yes or No?
If you think my statement requires some kind of “proof” then you’ve misunderstood the nature of my statement. Fairtrade obviously competes with other charities, because all ways of spending my income compete with all other ways. This is a logical statement, evident just by thinking about the nature of human action in a world of scarcity. It cannot be falsified by any empirical evidence.
2. Is the 10p in your critique solely based on the one 2005 article by Harford? Yes or No?
That is the article I cited for my claim. I note that you have not provided any evidence that contradicts this, despite my asking you to do so. So I’ll ask again: are you claiming that a higher percentage of Fairtrade money reaches their desired recipients than Oxfam money reaches their desired recipients? If you are, please provide a source.
I have already given you many reasons why Fairtrade does not necessarily have to be more expensive than other branded products.(*)
(*) I have given many reasons why from an economical point of view Fairtrade does not necessarily have to be more expensive. Look at the past blogs.
Where? Are you referring to your hand-waving towards “economies of scale”, “better negotiation position”, “shorter supply chain”, “long term commitment”, etc? Because I have responded to all of these showing why they are red herrings. It seems like you are unable to respond to my scenario without invoking one of these concepts, which are not unique to Fairtrade in any way, and violate the ceteris paribus condition that must be maintained for economic analysis.

I will respond to each of the quotes you provide.
Tim Harford 2005:
“The truth is that fair trade coffee wholesalers could pay two, three or sometimes four times the market price for coffee in the developing world without adding anything noticeable to the production cost of a cappuccino.”
This particular quote doesn’t mention the final price, so it doesn’t support your claim at all. A few sentences earlier however, Harford says “the premium paid to the farmer should translate into a cost increase of less than a penny a cup,” so this supports my claim, not yours.
Oxfam:
“There are now so many Fairtrade products available in the UK market that it is misleading to suggest that a product is more expensive simply because it carries the Fairtrade label – indeed, because Fairtrade staples such as tea, coffee and sugar have become so popular through consumer demand, the economies of scale now possible mean that they are usually no more expensive than their non-Fairtrade equivalents."
This also supports my claim, because it gives “economies of scale” as a reason that the increased production cost does not translate into a higher final price. (In other words, it explicitly says that ceteris paribus has been violated, so the implicit message is that if ceteris paribus were maintained, the final price would be higher.)

I say well done to the Fairtrade organization if they’ve found a more efficient way of producing (by utilising economies of scale), but this is something any organization can do, so it is irrelevant to any economic analysis of the essence of the fair trade model. There is no necessary connection between Fairtrade and economies of scale. That examples can be found where the final price to the consumer is equal for Fairtrade vs. non-Fairtrade demonstrates only that in the real world, all things are not always equal, and the world is in a constant state of flux.

So the Oxfam quote does not refute my claim that ceteris paribus, Fairtrade products have a higher price than non-Fairtrade products.
Ben & Jerry’s:
“The retail price of Fair Trade coffee is usually within the same price range as other gourmet coffee. Consumers should expect to pay about the same price as regular organic coffee. The main reason coffee farmers earn a better income under Fair Trade is that the farmer cooperatives export directly to importers, cutting out various intermediaries who typically capture more of the profit.”
This is another example of the same thing. This time it is “cutting out various intermediaries” that has meant that ceteris paribus has been violated. Again, I applaud the Fairtrade organization if they’ve found a more efficient production process, but any other firm could do this too, so it is not the essence of Fairtrade and irrelevant for an economic analysis of the fair trade model.
So your new question is not in line with my argument:
“Convince me personally to start buying Fairtrade chocolate… slightly more expensive than a non-Fairtrade brand?” “I have tried the Fairtrade bar an it tastes the same to me.”


I will answer nonetheless:
• If the price and the quality is the same, you might want to give Fairtrade the benefit of the doubt.
The price is not the same in the scenario I am asking you about. Anyway, even if the price was the same, I would still buy the non-Fairtrade product, because buying the Fairtrade product would send the wrong signals to the market: investment would be directed away from the neediest areas. 
• If Fairtrade happens to be slightly more expensive than your favorite (alternative) branded product,
then you might want to ask yourself the question:


Where does the non-Fairtrade branding money end up?
Why are you bringing up branding again? I am trying to do economics here, and that means assuming Fairtrade and non-Fairtrade pay the same for branding. Why do you keep violating the ceteris paribus principle? Let’s stick to economics, please.
So what will happen if you decided for non-Fairtrade rather than Fairtrade (all relative)?
You save a penny. The non-Fairtrade company will earn more… Fairtrade will earn less and a poor farmer will be paid less.
That’s right. And of course the farmer that produces for the non-Fairtrade company will (ceteris paribus) be even poorer than the Fairtrade farmer (remember that absent Fairtrade certification, investor-entrepreneurs are attracted to the very poorest areas). So by buying non-Fairtrade I will be benefiting the very poorest farmers (e.g. in Ethiopia) at the expense of those less poor (e.g. in Mexico). And of course I can donate the penny saved to a direct charity as well if I wish.

You are of course free to keep buying Fairtrade if you wish, but be aware that you would be helping the world's poorest people more by avoiding Fairtrade and encouraging others to do so as well.

Tuesday, 26 April 2011

Third Rejoinder to Eerlijke Handel on Fair Trade or Free Trade

This is part of an ongoing debate between myself and Eerlijke Handel which started with my post Fair Trade or Free Trade: An Economic Analysis.  This post is a direct response to this post by Eerlijke.


Eerlijke, this reply is in three parts. The first part is about things that I thought we had already agreed upon, but which your latest post appears to call back into question, so I am attempting to understand more what your position is to try to find common ground. The second part is a brief response to your three direct questions. The third part is where I try to move the discussion forward.


1 a) I thought we had agreed that direct charities are more efficient than Fairtrade at getting money into the hands of poor people. You previously said:

I agree that consumers cutting back on their donations to Oxfam (and not donating to another charity, all else equal) is not a good thing for poor people
But now you say:
The conclusion you reach is:
“Fairtrade products will tend to lower the overall amount of charity that is delivered, all other things (i.e. the total amount of charity) being equal.”
You base this conclusion on “research” that says that 70%-95% of charity money reaches the desired recipients.


There must be very few if no companies that can make 70%-95% of their returns end up with poor people.
And:
Your critique rests wholly on the claim that just 10% reaches the recipient. …


I hope that your claim rests on more “research” or a more extensive study by Harford.
So are you now questioning the magnitude of these figures? Are you claiming that the Fairtrade recipient receives a higher percentage than the Oxfam recipient? (The source for my 70-95% claim, by the way, is a quick survey of large charities on charitynavigator.org). Please make your case if so, because I would like to hear it.

b) Also, I thought we had reached agreement that voluntary trades are never extortion or slavery, because both sides consent and are exchanging because they expect to benefit. Yet you now say:
The Laborers and/or their children could be subject to the following demand: you work longer for less pay, or we will take away your job. (And I am not yet talking about exposure to physically dangerous situations, toxic materials, sleep deprivation, other unwanted situations, etc.) The Laborer sees that people who do not have a job starve to death and has no choice but to comply with all requirements. Whether or not you define this as coercion, does not matter, it happened, happens and has been reported as slavery, extortion, prostitution, forced labor, etc.
Of course, the employer could just walk away, so he is literally saving the laborer from starving to death by offering him a job at all, and yet you call him an extorter and a slave-master?!! I don’t even know why you brought this up again.

I thought we had agreed that coercion is very easily definable – it is where only one party to the trade consents, i.e. it is where there is a threat of violence involved – so we can leave coercion, slavery, etc, out of the discussion. We are only talking about the kinds of trade where both parties consent to the trade, i.e. free trades.

c)
The unequal bargaining position of the two parties (one party without options and the other with many options) and The Company doing all to keep costs down to the absolute minimum, will tend to make this trade end on the very right side of the spectrum.
I don’t know what you mean by “very right side of the spectrum”, but this unequal bargaining position idea is a red herring. The market routinely solves or reduces problems relating to unequal bargaining power: for example, the forming of trade associations. This has no bearing on the Fairtrade argument at all. What I would say is that if “The Company” is able to bargain for itself a “great deal” and get very low cost labor, this would simply signal to other companies that they can get cheap labor too by just outbidding the first company. And so wages would be bid up through competition, and soon laborers will have plenty of options available to them and any issues with unequal bargaining power simply dissolve. If anything, it is more risky to make the producers dependent on Fairtrade income, as you propose, than to simply let this market process take place.

d)
I do not even have to mention that the donation money (because it is not linked to trade) can be taken away at will, without warning, further damaging the already unequal position of The Laborer.
Why do you “not even have to mention” this? You have mentioned it, and your point is invalid. Fairtrade can give no firmer guarantees than any other purchaser, or any charity for that matter. There are no absolute guarantees in this world. What if consumers stop demanding Fairtrade? What if consumers stop demanding coffee or chocolate entirely? Then the farmers are screwed whether or not they have a “guarantee” from Fairtrade. Again, there is nothing special about Fairtrade here, and to assume otherwise is to violate ceteris paribus.

e)
Fairtrade STRUCTURALLY improves the (negotiation) position of the people with whom it is working. Calling on its suppliers to take matters into their own hands, to earn their way out of poverty, by stimulating entrepreneurship, by having them take ownership of their situation and be responsible for their destiny, making investment decisions first then building capacity that moves more of the “value added” towards them and by helping them to rely on Trade, rather than (arbitrary and incidental) Aid.
It is free trade in general that does all these good things, and the free market process works most effectively when consumers buy without regard to the conditions under which the products they buy have been produced. Fairtrade directs investment away from the neediest areas and towards less-needy areas, as I argued in my original post. If you want to argue against this, please address my argument about the changed incentives for entrepreneurs, as outlined in that original post.

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2. I just want to respond to your questions quickly, and then I will try to move the discussion forward.
4. Your “opinion, using the definitions” or Science?
The following opinions I think are very important with respect to your critique:
1. “SO in my opinion, using these definitions, such a person buying Fairtrade products IS making a charitable donation with part of the money he pays.”[Capitals yours, not mine].


As an economist, scientist or educator it should be easy for you to backup or check the validity of an Opinion.


Why do we have to rely on “Opinion” for such an important issue in your critique?
Do you have research whether people buying Fairtrade products really see this as a donation?
A simple questionnaire might lead to significant results about what consumers say they think when they act and why?
You’ve again misunderstood the whole point of my critique I think. Note my words “such a person”, by which I was referring to a person buying Fairtrade because he thinks it is an effective means of helping poor people. If you can show me that absolutely no-one buys Fairtrade thinking “hmm… I’ll buy this Fairtrade chocolate bar so that I can help poor people, rather than this non-Fairtrade chocolate bar” then my argument is not wrong, but merely irrelevant. The starting point for my whole critique is the common perception (and I believe it is common; I know a few people who hold this view) that buying Fairtrade is an effective means of helping poor people. As you noticed early on, without this starting point, my whole argument is no different to an argument against celebrity-branded products, for example. It would be a relatively pointless criticism of people’s values or ends. But my starting point here makes my criticism much more important and different in kind: I am NOT criticising people’s ends but people’s choices of means to satisfy their end of helping poor people.

So my criticism only applies to the extent that people view Fairtrade as a means to helping the poor. If you view Fairtrade products as an end in and of itself, then my critique simply does not apply to you. But you have made it clear that you DO see Fairtrade as an effective means for helping the poor, so my critique does apply to you, at least. I hope this makes sense.

5. Your economic reasoning sounds like an accountant counting certain costs, rather than an entrepreneur seeking uncertain profits
Hmm… perhaps you have got this impression because I use the Austrian economic method of ceteris paribus. I am looking at costs because the nature of Fairtrade is that it increases production costs; the producers get paid more. I am keeping everything else constant, which is the standard mode of analysis for economics (at least Austrian economics, that is). I don’t see how anything you’ve written below this heading addresses what I’ve said, and I do not see a question there.

6. What is the definition of “Standard of living”?
There is nothing controversial about my definition of standard of living. It is subjectively determined by each person, of course. As a formal statement, we can say people act to increase their standard of living relative to what it would have been had they not acted, or made a different choice. Taking choices away from people necessarily lowers their standard of living.
You make it sound as if The Rich Consumer in the West is giving something up. Doing something to lower their “Standard of living”, whatever that may be.
They are necessarily giving something up. This is a logical necessity. See below.


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3. You did not respond to any part of the scenario I presented involving SimpleChoc and FairChoc, which was unfortunate because if we focus on that, perhaps we can move the discussion forward and not get bogged down in definitions. So let me re-state the point of that whole scenario and ask you a more direct question…

However we want to label certain kinds of trades, I think we can agree on one thing: all possible ways for me to spend my income compete with all other possible ways. If I want to spend my money on one thing, it means I cannot spend that same money elsewhere. Agreed?

To make this really simple, as a Fairtrade advocate, I would like you to try and convince me personally to start buying Fairtrade chocolate. In my local store, there is a Fairtrade chocolate bar and it is slightly more expensive than a non-Fairtrade brand. I have tried the Fairtrade bar and it tastes the same to me. So because the non-Fairtrade brand is slightly cheaper, I always buy that.

So you think I should buy Fairtrade chocolate? Then my question to you is: where will I find the money to pay for it? Logically I must spend less elsewhere if I am to start buying Fairtrade chocolate. Do you agree? Perhaps you can make a suggestion for where I might reduce my spending, and we can go from there…